2002 ORDINARY SESSION
________________________
(Third
part)
REPORT
Nineteenth
Sitting
Tuesday
25 June 2002 at 3 p.m.
(…)
6. Parliamentary scrutiny of international institutions
THE
PRESIDENT (Translation). The final item of
business this afternoon is the debate on the report on the
parliamentary scrutiny of international institutions presented by
Mr Toshev on behalf of the Political Affairs Committee
(Document 9484 and addendum) with an opinion presented by
Mrs Zapfl Helbling on behalf of the Committee on Economic
Affairs and Development (Document 9485).
The
list of speakers closed at 12 noon today. Sixteen names
are on the list, and one amendment has been tabled. I remind the
Assembly that we have already agreed that, in order to finish by
7 p.m., we shall interrupt the list of speakers at around
6.45 p.m.
I
call Mr Toshev, the rapporteur. You have eight minutes.
Mr
TOSHEV (Bulgaria). The resignation of the
European Commission on 16 March 1999 and the street
demonstrations in Seattle during the third ministerial conference of
the World Trade Organisation show that it is time to have a serious
debate to address the problem of the functioning of international
institutions.
Most
people are not aware of the purposes and work of the organisations or
the reason for their existence. Some deputies, despite being directly
elected representatives of the people, are not paying sufficient
attention to the organisations? work. In some cases, it is
difficult for them to gain access to information concerning
international institutions. Obviously, that is unacceptable.
Those
problems mean that the gap between international institutions and
society is increasing. The lack of transparency leads to a lack of
understanding and of public support for the institutions? activities.
A number of problems on a continental and global scale, which call
for co-operation and the effectiveness of national policies to be
increased, make the success of the existing institutions in
addressing this issue a matter of paramount importance.
Parliamentary
scrutiny and involvement in the work of international institutions,
as well as their openness to the media and NGOs, could make the
institutions more accountable. That could make the decision-making
process more transparent and promote public interest in their work,
leading to further support for their aims.
Some
time ago, I discussed the issue with Ms Marta Ruedas from the
United Nations Development Programme. Her opinion is that
parliamentarians could achieve those general goals if they
strengthened their control over those who exercise power ? the
representatives of their Governments in the institutions. I entirely
agree. It is both a right and a duty for MPs to hold regular debates
in their national parliaments and committees on the various aspects
of the work of international organisations. The Deputies have the
right to receive information and to consider the work of their
national representatives there.
The
next aspect on which I would like to touch is the direct involvement
of parliamentarians in the work of international institutions through
parliamentary assemblies. This report and that of Mrs Severinsen
underline the importance of and the need to achieve a parliamentary
dimension of the United Nations through the inclusion of
parliamentarians from the government majority and from the opposition
in national delegations to the UN General Assembly. Few member
states, even of the Council of Europe, have deputies in their
delegations to the General Assembly.
I
must say that there is a need to improve the interaction between
national delegations to the parliamentary assemblies and the
committees in their national parliaments. In that respect, I must
refer to the initiative launched at the sixth conference of the
Mediterranean and Black Sea basins ? the so-called Varna process. It
was proposed that, under the auspices of the Parliamentary Assembly
of the Council of Europe, committees from the national parliaments of
member and even non-member states should meet to debate specific
issues. In my opinion, that is a good idea and it should not be
forsaken.
The
next aspect is that some international organisations, such as the
World Trade Organisation, do not have a parliamentary dimension. At a
joint meeting in Canada in 2001, the common position of the
representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of
Europe and of Canadian deputies was that it is a good idea to support
the Inter-Parliamentary Union in respect of the establishment of a
WTO parliamentary assembly.
The
Committee on Economic Affairs and Development regularly considers the
work of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and the
Assembly frequently debates those affairs, but other organisations,
such as the World Bank, the European Investment Bank and the IMF,
which the Assembly is debating, definitely need much greater
parliamentary scrutiny. We should consider strongly recommending that
the work and the budgets of the various international financial
institutions be discussed in the national parliamentary budgetary and
financial committees.
Returning
to continental level, we commend the European Parliament as the first
directly elected international parliamentary institution whose powers
should be enhanced. We call on the European Parliament to strengthen
its co-operation with the national parliaments, which are responsible
for adopting national legislation. In that respect, the ideas on
creating an upper chamber of the European Parliament representing the
national parliaments, or an EU parliamentary assembly to scrutinise
the work of European institutions, should be carefully considered.
The
amendment proposed today by Mr David Atkinson combines both options
by suggesting the creation of an upper chamber of the European
Parliament not as an additional, complicating level of the EU
decision-making process, but as a parliamentary body to scrutinise EU
policy.
Our
Assembly should continue consistently to raise those issues. As a
follow-up to today?s debate, specific steps and action need to be
taken, especially discussions on the matter in the national
parliaments. Our recommendations aim at returning international
organisations to the citizens to whom they belong. Thank you very
much for your kind attention.
THE
PRESIDENT. Thank you. I call Mrs
Zapfl-Helbling to present the opinion of the Committee on Economic
Affairs and Development. You have three minutes.
Mrs
ZAPFL-HELBLING (Switzerland) said
that her committee had produced an opinion on the report. The
committee supported the development of a parliamentary dimension to
the activities of EBRD, IMF and other organisations. If members of
parliament were willing to appear before international fora so should
international organisations. It was important to emphasise democratic
accountability if suspicion and distrust of organisations were to be
reduced. Organisations such as the Council of Europe had to examine
how they could make themselves more accountable. Her committee
supported visits by national parliament delegations to places such as
the United Nations. She supported the draft resolution.
THE
PRESIDENT. ? Thank you. I call, first, Mr Bühler, who will speak on
behalf of the Group of the European People?s Party.
Mr
BÜHLER (Germany) said
that the report addressed a topical issue, namely the democratic
deficit. Ordinary people felt isolated from, and left out of, the
decisions that affected them. This was reflected in voter apathy and
a low turnout at elections. The turnout at the European Parliament
elections was an example. If this trend was not reversed, extremist
parties would prosper. The word globalisation had attained a negative
connotation, but globalisation had its positive aspects too. The
Assembly should strive for the globalisation of human rights and
civil standards. The UN had to find a role for parliamentarians as
well as governments. He thanked those colleagues who had been trying
to achieve this on behalf of the Council of Europe and the European
Parliament. There were various examples of deficiency of
parliamentary oversight in relation to Commission policy. For
example, the European Parliament had a crisis remit but no effective
oversight over matters such as peace-keeping missions. The Dutch
Foreign Minister had recommended a policy review; this was progress
but greater co-operation was needed between parliamentarians and
international organisations. It was necessary to work towards the
globalisation of democracy.
THE
PRESIDENT. Thank you, Mr Bühler. I call Mr
Danieli on behalf of the Liberal, Democratic and Reformers? Group.
Mr
DANIELI (Italy)
thanked Mr Toshev for his report which highlighted the key issue of
globalisation and its irreversible nature. The analysis started from
a basic premise concerning the growing power of multinational
organisations in tandem with a growing democratic deficit. However,
it was important to take a differentiated approach to such matters.
It was not just a case of power increasing for all
multi-national and international organisations. Some organisations
were seeing an increase in power while others were seeing their
credibility, resources and power questioned. Thus the International
Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the World Trade Organisation and the
Paris Club were seeing their powers untouched and increased, while
the United Nations and many of its agencies were being challenged.
Globalisation therefore had to be perceived as a multi-layered issue,
involving economics but also the rights of individuals, communities
and peoples. What was actually the hub of the debate was the clash
between these layers and the complexity that this entailed.
Some
commentators attempted to reassert the power of the nation state in
terms of the international arena. This was simplistic and a
retrograde step.
THE
PRESIDENT. Thank you Mr Danieli. I call Mrs Ragnarsdóttir on behalf
of the European Democratic Group.
Mrs
RAGNARSDÓTTIR (Iceland).
Mr Toshev's excellent report deals with a topic of great importance
and relevance. The so-called democratic deficit has been a recurrent
theme in public debate for many years. To my regret, a debate is
necessary. There are many signs on the horizon that international
institutions in general and pan-European multinational institutions
in particular suffer from a serious democratic deficit. That is why
this issue is so pertinent to us as nationally elected
representatives.
The
sheer volume and complexity of the issues dealt with in institutional
settings is such as to put great strain on prudent parliamentary
scrutiny and oversight. Not all regional and international
institutions are as fortunate as the Council of Europe, in which an
army of able and willing parliamentarians make it their business to
scrutinise matters effectively. Our constituents expect us to be
extremely vigilant on these matters, not least because decisions
taken in international institutions increasingly influence the lives
of hundreds of millions of citizens. What is often sorely lacking
from those decisions is the voices of those people. Those voices
should be heard through us ? the nationally elected
representatives. For that reason I fully concur with the rapporteur?s
conclusion that the imbalance between the growing power of
international institutions and the absence of democratic scrutiny of
their decisions constitutes a major challenge for democracy.
In
that respect, I applaud the focus on the need for effective
parliamentary scrutiny of intergovernmental financial institutions,
which are becoming increasingly globally important as our economies
become increasingly interconnected and interdependent. As the draft
resolution states, transparency and accountability are necessary
requirements if those highly important institutions are to enjoy
public support.
I
want to add another dimension to the debate. It is equally important
that we parliamentarians scrutinise the work of international
institutions with the purpose of minimising the duplication of work.
In Europe today, there is an alphabet soup of intergovernmental
organisations. There is relative competition among those institutions
as regards financing, visibility and, ultimately, public support. We
could call it inter-institutional rivalry. In that respect, it is
pertinent that parliamentarians have oversight to avoid the tendency
for work to be duplicated. We must ensure transparency and full
productivity for our money - as guarantors of the taxpayers? money,
it is our duty to stand firm, give guidance, add our voices and
provide the necessary scrutiny.
Here,
it is important to mention the role of the European Union and the
introduction of an inter-parliamentary chamber to the European
Parliament. I agree with that proposal, but it is of the utmost
importance that it does not undermine the work and independent status
of the Council of Europe, the principle guarantor of human rights in
Europe.
THE
PRESIDENT. Thank you. I call Mrs
Mintas-Hodak of Croatia.
Mrs
MINTAS-HODAK (Croatia).
First, I congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Toshev, on his
excellent work and extensive overview of parliamentary scrutiny of
different international political and financial organisations.
I
am sure that we would all agree that one of the main features of our
times is the existence of many worldwide or regional international
institutions and treaty-making conferences dealing with many
different issues, which are mainly a result of the accelerating
process of overall globalisation. There is no doubt that policy
making is tending to shift from a national to an international level.
Since
decisions taken by those institutions influence national policy and
thus affect the lives of millions of citizens, who are often poorly
informed about them and have insufficient or no influence over their
creation, the far-reaching implications of this issue should be the
core interest of every parliamentarian who is accountable to his
electorate and devoted to democratic values.
I
strongly support opening up the discussion on the issue in the
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, as an important
contribution to a wider public debate at national and international
level on how that so-called ?democratic deficit? in the international
institutions may be overcome in future.
An
extensive analysis of existing parliamentary control mechanisms in
major political and financial institutions leads us to conclude that
there are a number of deficiencies, which make parliamentary scrutiny
deficient. To enhance transparency and accountability and the
accessibility of information, the general recommendations contained
in this report clearly show that the role of both national
parliaments and international parliamentary bodies should be
strengthened.
It
is useful to suggest that those national parliaments that still do
not follow or comment on the work of the international institutions
concerned should have regular debates on the policies and activities
of different international organisations, or even set up special
committees to follow the work of such institutions.
The
Parliament of Croatia discusses the activities and decisions of
different international organisations and regional initiatives from
time to time ? through various committees ? particularly
their relationship with Croatia on the basis of government reports.
Furthermore, bilateral parliamentary visits and meetings with other
parliaments contribute to more co-ordinated efforts in various
multilateral forums.
The
problem that we still face is one of the government having a
decision-making power while negotiating agreements with various
international financial institutions with no parliamentary input or
control. For other countries, the problem might be the binding effect
of some decisions taken by other international institutions, for
example the EU.
It
would be useful to recommend that national parliaments should hold
regular consultations between parliamentary representatives and the
national executive bodies that participate in decision-making
processes at an international level. Such a mechanism would be of
crucial importance for the preservation of transparency and would
contribute to greater parliamentary involvement in the work of the
international institutions concerned.
Moreover,
with a view to strengthening the controlling powers of national
parliaments, our governments should be encouraged to consult our
parliaments on early drafts of planned international legislation or
agreements.
As
guardians of democracy and a means to institute checks and balances
on other branches of power, we must find ways further to develop the
interaction mechanisms that already exist between executive
authorities or citizens. If necessary, we must also put in place new
and more effective mechanisms.
There
is no doubt that scrutiny must start at a national level, but it must
also be improved at an international level. International
parliamentary bodies should oversee the work of different
international organisations. We must be proud that the Parliamentary
Assembly of the Council of Europe is setting a good example in that
regard.
Finally,
to preserve the trust of our citizens in international institutions,
it is our responsibility to focus their attention more closely on all
our work.
THE
PRESIDENT. Thank you. I call Mr Schloten.
Mr
SCHLOTEN (Germany)
said that parliamentary control of the United Nations was very
important. For a number of years he had tried to bring the UN closer
to the world?s citizens, something which national governments had
never been able to do. There was no parliamentary dimension to the
UN?s work. The Inter-Parliamentary Union had been attempting to
exercise greater control over the UN for a number of years, and the
current Secretary-General, Mr Kofi Annan, held the view
that the IPU should be the parliamentary assembly for the UN. This
was the motivation behind his amendment. He regretted that there was
a minor error in the wording of the amendment and that was why he
would be proposing an oral amendment to it later in the proceedings.
THE
PRESIDENT. Thank you. I call Mr Loutfi.
Mr
LOUTFI (Bulgaria)said
that the report had not been easy to write. It tackled major issues,
because international institutions had a particularly important role,
and had more effect than ever on the policies of individual states.
There was a constant lack of information on institutions which
created a democratic deficit. Citizens did not have enough
information and there was a lack of mechanisms to help national
representatives have an input into international institutions. A
monitoring mechanism was needed to address the balance between
important institutions and the scrutiny of them, or lack of it. It
was important at this initial stage to enforce the role of national
parliaments. Parliaments should be more effective, should reinforce
their role, should have views on the proceedings of the institutions
and discuss their activities. Better liaison between the Council of
Europe and the Committee of Ministers would be an advantage. The
European Parliament was scrutinised. There should be committees to
discuss particular problems. Greater co-operation between parliaments
of different countries and various structures, for example the OSCE
and the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, was necessary. Parliaments
worked with the UN through parliamentarians. Regional co-operation
was also essential. He supported the resolution and was confident
that comments made in the plenary session would lead to its
implementation.
THE
PRESIDENT. Thank you. I call Mr Andican.
Mr
ANDICAN (Turkey).
I congratulate Mr Toshev on his well-prepared and comprehensive
report, which gives us an overview of the nature of the problem
stemming from insufficient transparency and accountability in the
decision-making processes and activities of most international
organisations, and presents possible ways of restoring citizens?
confidence in them. Indeed, the more international organisations
respond to general public concern in today?s world, the more
important it is to ensure a high degree of democratic control.
Since
the emergence of global issues has necessitated greater international
co-operation, complaints have been made about the lack of
transparency and the secret intergovernmental nature of negotiations
and meetings in international forums. Parliaments have limited, and
sometimes even no say in those processes. That is a real failure in
participatory democracy. There is a danger of creating a power vacuum
in democracies where the necessary parliamentary input is lacking in
the decision-making process, leading to democratic deficit. It is a
worrying fact that the link between decision-making bodies and
parliaments is less to the fore when international co-operation among
countries achieves any progress.
There
is an evident democratic deficit in most of the international
institutions whose decisions increasingly affect the everyday lives
of millions of citizens. There appears to be widespread neglect of
the mechanisms to ensure political and social accountability that are
necessary to secure legitimacy and public consent.
However,
it is also observed that the concept of parliamentary scrutiny is
sometimes met with reluctance by some and seen as an interference in
the decision-making process, but it should not be forgotten that it
is one of the structural requirements of democracies. For
participatory democracy to work, parliaments must be involved in the
decision-making process.
I
strongly support all the recommendations in the report for ensuring
effective parliamentary scrutiny of the work of international
institutions. We need more transparency and accountability and we
must broaden the knowledge and understanding of citizens through
enhanced opportunities for access to information. Those are the tools
that we need to ensure public support for policies and participation
in the activities of international institutions.
THE
PRESIDENT. Thank you. I call Mr Van den
Brande.
Mr
VAN DEN BRANDE (Belgium).
We must congratulate Mr Toshev on his excellent report, which
contains not only intentions but realistic guidelines for
strengthening transparency and democratic control. As Mr Bühler
said, globalisation is a positive evolution, but are we really
becoming a global society, or are we only interested in the light
side of the moon, and not the dark one? Is there is a split between
the developed countries and those of the south? Is there is a split
between decision making and what is in fact needed by the population?
Nevertheless,
we can support the report and the resolution and recommendation.
There are often great differences between what we intend and the
reality. Parliaments must be involved in the international process,
but national parliaments often focus more on domestic issues than on
international ones. They often lack a logistical or scientific basis.
International
decision-making often results not in a last-minute ticket but a
last-minute decision, which is not always compatible with the
parliamentary agenda. There are good guidelines in the report,
resolutions and recommendations for achieving a proactive approach
under parliamentary control to achieve transparency in international
decision-making. We have previously discussed the parliamentary focus
of the United Nations in relation to the important reports on the
EBRD, the IMF and the World Bank. It is important that we participate
as parliamentarians - not as experts or observers, but as members of
delegations. That is the only way in which to achieve global
decision-making and decision-shaping. Our discussion on the European
Convention also reflects the need for transparency and better
international governance. We need a mental conversion and must
work to achieve that in our national parliaments, councils and
parliamentary assemblies.
THE
PRESIDENT. Thank you. I now interrupt the
list of speakers. Of those on the list who are present in the
Chamber, I see only Mr Kalkan and MrVarela I Serra. They have a right
to submit their speeches in typescript to the Table Office in
Room 103 within twenty-four hours of the end of the debate. I
call Mr Toshev, the rapporteur, to reply.
Mr
TOSHEV (Bulgaria).
I am grateful to everyone who took part in the debate for their
views. I thank Mr Perin, Mr Sich, Mr Chevtchenko and
Mrs Entzminger from the Political Affairs Committee for helping
me to prepare the report.
Taking
Mr Bühler?s point about ordinary people feeling that others decide
things instead of them, we should do our best to make them believe
that everything is in their hands.
They
should be aware of their rights and respect the rights of others. It
is up to us as parliamentarians to achieve that after the debate.
I
am grateful to Mr Van den Brande, who said that we
should begin to pursue that goal. Today's debate is only the start of
subsequent discussions.
When
we return to our countries, we should try to organise debates in our
parliaments to achieve parliamentary scrutiny of international
institutions. It is up to us as parliamentarians to take that
initiative.
We
are representatives of the people and should play a responsible role.
I
am grateful to all the speakers who took part in the debate,
especially those who spoke about the organisation mentioned by
Mr Danieli. General recommendations are covered by our draft
resolution and I hope that speakers will be satisfied with it. I
trust that our goal will be achieved.
THE
PRESIDENT. I call Mrs Zapfl-Helbling.
Mrs
ZAPFL-HELBLING (Switzerland)
said that she had nothing to add to what had already been said.
THE
PRESIDENT. I call Mr Jakič.
Mr
JAKIČ (Slovenia).
Since this topical motion was submitted to
our committee, we have dealt with it sensitively in trying to work
out the balance between the growing power of international
institutions and the need for democratic scrutiny. I, too, believe
that Mr Toshev, the rapporteur, prepared a good report and
congratulate him and his secretariat.
The
report provides some answers about how parliamentarians should play a
leading part in the implementation of democratic mechanisms to
control national institutions and international institutions such as
the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, the IMF
and the World Trade Organisation. I share the view that should try to
restore people's trust in those institutions and a reduction of their
sometimes violent reaction to them. I therefore expect positive
voting on the report on parliamentary scrutiny of international
institutions.
THE
PRESIDENT. Thank you, Mr Jakič. The debate is closed.
The
Political Affairs Committee has presented in Document 9484 a
draft resolution to which one amendment has been tabled: Mr Schloten
has made an oral amendment, which I shall discuss. A draft
recommendation and a draft order have also been tabled and will be
taken in that order. I remind you that speeches on amendments are
limited to one minute.
Mr
Schloten has submitted the following oral amendment: in paragraph 8,
after sub-paragraph b, insert a new sub-paragraph as follows:
in
the medium term, to make the Assembly of the Inter-Parliamentary
Union the parliamentary dimension of the United Nations?.
I
remind the Assembly of Rule 34, which enables the President to
accept an oral amendment or sub-amendment on the grounds of promoting
clarity, accuracy or conciliation. However, I have some problems
because the proposed amendment would be an addition to the report and
stresses a new possible solution to the problem of parliamentary
scrutiny of the United Nations in the report. However, there is no
suggestion from the rapporteur that the IPU should play that role.
I
wonder whether I can reasonably accept the oral amendment because of
the strict rules governing such amendments. It does not promote
clarity, and there is nothing unclear or inaccurate about the
existing text. I do not see that there is a matter of conciliation to
be considered.
Mr
ATKINSON (United Kingdom).
On a point of order, Mr President.
THE
PRESIDENT. A real point of order?
Mr
ATKINSON (United Kingdom).
You will be the judge of that when I refer you to the draft order on
the matter.
THE
PRESIDENT. I shall consider that, but first
I ask whether the Chairman of the committee or the rapporteur want to
give their opinion.
Mr
TOSHEV (Bulgaria).
I shall not oppose the oral amendment.
However, I realise that it will be difficult for it to be passed.
THE
PRESIDENT. Mr Atkinson's remark was very
appropriate. Paragraph a of
the draft order instructs the Political Affairs Committee to give
detailed consideration as to how a parliamentary dimension can be
introduced into the work of the United Nations. I am afraid that I
have to be strict and say that the oral amendment does not confirm to
Rule 34, and I cannot allow it.
We
come now to Amendment No. 1, tabled by Mr Atkinson, Mr Huseynov,
Mr Seyidov, Mr Hladiy, Mr Lomakin-Rumiantsev,
Mr Nazarov, Mr Tkáč, Ms Palečková, Mr Telek,
Mr Andican, Mr Cerrahoğlu, Ms Tevdoradze,
Mr Malgieri, Ms Ragnarsdóttir, Mr Kvakkestad, Mr Dalgaard, Mr
Libicki, Mr Goulet, Ms Akgönenç, Sir Sydney Chapman, Mr
Rogozin, which is, in the draft resolution, delete paragraph 10,
and insert the following new paragraphs:
Regarding
the European Union, the Assembly considers that a role for national
parliaments should be introduced to bring the ?EU closer to the
people?. This can be done by introducing an inter-parliamentary
chamber to the European Parliament as a body of representatives of
national parliaments to form, in due course, a second chamber.
This
inter-parliamentary chamber could have responsibility for
scrutinising policies that continue to be intergovernmental and areas
in which competence is complementary or shared such as foreign
affairs and matters concerning the entire continent.?
I
call Mr Atkinson to support Amendment No. 1.
Mr
ATKINSON (United Kingdom).
In paragraphs 13 and 14 of the explanatory memorandum of his report,
Mr Toshev refers to the democratic deficit in the European Union and
advocates better representation of national parliaments in the work
of the EU. My amendment proposes how that can be done in two new
paragraphs that will replace paragraph 10. It proposes the
introduction of an inter-parliamentary chamber to the European
Parliament which would scrutinise policies but continue to be
intergovernmental, such as foreign affairs, defence, security and
combating crime.
THE
PRESIDENT. Does anyone wish to speak against
the amendment?
That
is not the case. It is not surprising that it has been signed by most
members of the European Union.
What
is the opinion of the committee?
Mr
JAKIČ (Slovenia).
The committee is in favour.
THE
PRESIDENT. The voting is open.
Amendment
No. 1 is adopted.
We
will now proceed to vote on the draft resolution, as amended.
The
voting is open.
The
draft resolution in Document 9484, as amended, is adopted.
We
will now proceed to vote on the whole of the draft recommendation
contained in Document 9484.
The
voting is open.
The
draft recommendation in Document 9484 is adopted.
We
will now proceed to vote on the draft order contained in Document
9484.
The
voting is open.
The
draft order contained in Document 9484 is adopted.
I
congratulate the rapporteur and the Political Affairs Committee.
The
committee will not meet this evening at 7 p.m. It will meet at
2 p.m. Tomorrow.
Presentation by Mr
Toshev of report, Document 9484 and addendum, on behalf of the Public
Accounts Committee, and by Mrs Zapfl-Helbling of opinion, Document
9485, on behalf of the Committee on Economic Affairs and Development
Speakers:
Mr Bühler
(Germany)
Mr Danieli (Italy)
Mrs Ragnarsdóttir
(Iceland)
Mrs Mintas-Hodak
(Croatia)
Mr Schloten
(Germany)
Mr Loutfi
(Bulgaria)
Mr Andican (Turkey)
Mr Van den Brande
(Belgium)
Mr Jakić
(Slovenia)
Amendment No. 1
adopted.
Draft resolution
contained in Document 9484, as amended, adopted.
Draft
recommendation contained in Document 9484 adopted.
Draft order
contained in Document 9484 adopted.
--> Report | Doc. 9484 | 06 June 2002
Parliamentary scrutiny of international institutions
Committee on Political Affairs and DemocracyRapporteur : Mr Latchezar TOSHEV, Bulgaria,
http://assembly.coe.int/nw/xml/XRef/Xref-XML2HTML-en.asp?fileid=9765&lang=en
Summary:
International institutions play an increasingly important role in the system of governance and their influence over national policies has been constantly growing. The decisions taken in these institutions are influence the lives of millions of citizens.However, in most cases, these institutions suffer from a democratic deficit which damages their image in the eyes of the public and the efficiency of their activities. Citizens are often poorly informed about decisions affecting them, and have insufficient means of expressing their opinions. The imbalance between the growing power of international institutions and the absence of democratic scrutiny of their activities constitutes a major challenge for democracy.
The Assembly believes that parliamentarians must play a leading part in implementing a democratic mechanism to control these international institutions, and to this end proposes a series of measure to be taken at national and international level.
A. Draft resolution
1. The emergence of issues on a
continental and global scale is increasingly challenging the
effectiveness and competence of national policies, and reinforces the
need for greater international scrutiny and co-operation.
2. In response to this need, the
international community has established a great many worldwide or
regional international institutions. Over recent years, their role in
the system of governance and their influence over national policies
have been constantly growing.
3. Decisions taken in these
institutions increasingly influence the lives of millions of
citizens. Yet the latter are often poorly informed about the
activities of international institutions and are rarely enabled to
exercise influence on decisions affecting them. The imbalance between
the growing power of international institutions and the absence of
democratic scrutiny of their activities constitutes a major challenge
for democracy.
4. The insufficient transparency of
their decision-making tools and the absence of machinery to monitor
international institutions prompt in the general public to reject or
even amongst certain minority groups to react violently against them.
Civil society’s need to express itself on the major issues of the
day which the international institutions are supposed to resolve
finds expression in alternative forums. The potential for protest can
also be exploited by extremist political movements.
5. It is accordingly necessary to make
good the democratic deficit at present suffered by international
institutions, which seriously hampers their efficiency, and to make
them more accountable to society. The decision-making process needs
to me made more transparent, and the public, through their
democratically elected representatives, needs to be able to take part
in it effectively.
6. The Assembly believes that in this
field parliamentarians, in their national parliaments and
international parliamentary assemblies must play a leading part in
this.
7. It considers that parliamentary
scrutiny of the work of international institutions must begin at
national level. Consequently, it calls upon the national parliaments
of Council of Europe member states to exercise their powers to the
full in this sphere and in particular:
a. to hold regular debates on the activities of international institutions, based on reports submitted by the government;
b. to make use for this purpose of budgetary procedures and other means at their disposal;
c. to propose to the governments to include parliamentarians in national delegations participating in meeting of international institutions.8. The Assembly reaffirms its support for a parliamentary dimension of the United Nations and believes that greater parliamentary involvement in the work of this worldwide international organisation would help enhance its authority and efficiency. It welcomes the fact that several national delegations to the United Nations General Assembly now include national parliamentarians and calls upon the governments of member States of the Council of Europe:
a. to make this practice more general, by reserving seats for parliamentarians of both ruling and opposition parties in the delegations to the General Assembly;
b. b. to apply this practice to other conferences and meetings organised in the framework of the United Nations and its specialist agencies.
9. The Assembly stresses the importance
of the debates it organises on the work of several international
institutions, such as OECD, the EBRD, IMF, WTO, etc. For
international financial bodies, transparency and accountability are
necessary requirements if they are to command public support. It
believes in this context that the proposal made by the
Inter-Parliamentary Union to establish a parliamentary assembly of
the WTO deserves careful consideration. Similarly, while underlining
the already existing role of the PACE in the accountability of OECD
and EBRD, it believes that parliamentary accountability of the IMF,
the World Bank and other global organisations deserve equally careful
consideration.
10. Regarding the European Union, the
Assembly welcomes the institutional role of the European Parliament,
the first international parliamentary institution to be elected by
direct suffrage, and urges that the competences of this Parliament
should be enhanced. However, national parliaments, which play a key
role in adapting national legislation to Community standards, should
be more involved in the Union’s decision-making process.
B. Draft recommendation
(open)
1. The Assembly refers to its
Resolution ….(2002) on parliamentary scrutiny of international
institutions, and, as regards the Council of Europe, it contends that
the effectiveness of its work depends to a great extent on effective
co-operation between its two statutory bodies, the Parliamentary
Assembly and the Committee of Ministers.
2. In order to improve this co-operation, the Assembly recommends
that the Committee of Ministers:a. allow for greater involvement by the Parliamentary Assembly in the budgetary process, especially as regards determining the ceiling of the Council of Europe’s overall budget;
b. establish a co-decision-making process for the adoption of any text of a treaty nature;
c. introduce the practice of the official participation of the President of the Assembly at the meetings of the Committee of Ministers;
d. reinforce monitoring procedures, including by the use of comparative methods;
e. improve the transparency of the implementation of Assembly recommendations.
C. Draft order
(open)The Assembly refers to its Resolution ….(2002) on parliamentary scrutiny of international institutions, and instructs its Political Affairs Committee:
a. to give detailed consideration as to how a parliamentary dimension can be introduced into the work of the United Nations;
b. to come forward with a report and recommendations.
D. Explanatory memorandum by the Rapporteur
(open)1. Introduction
1. The resignation of the European
Commission on 16 March 1999 has drawn public attention to the lack of
transparency in the decision-making procedures of international
institutions and also to the way in which public resources are spent
by their executive organs. A motion for a resolution was tabled by Mr
Ruffy and others on 31 May 1999 and led to the commencement of work
on a report on these matters.
2. International institutions often
suffer from a lack of credibility which stems from the so-called
“democratic deficit” experienced by citizens vis-à-vis
these institutions. Symptoms of this institutional malaise
can manifest themselves both internally and externally. The former
category includes issues of representation; voting rights and
weighting; effective participation in debates; effective consultation
in decision-making processes and the accountability of executive
organs to their corresponding parliamentary bodies. As regards
external symptoms, questions of transparency, accountability,
information-disseminating mechanisms and participatory democracy are
all to the fore.
3. There is a patent need to increase parliamentary control of,
and involvement in, the business and activities of the executive
branch of international institutions in order to:make these institutions more accountable;
make decision-making processes more transparent (to promote public interest and further support);
enhance citizens’ comprehension of the functioning of these institutions;
ensure more effective participation in debates by both citizens and their national representatives.
4. In order to guarantee continuity in
case of governmental change, as well as to offer the broadest
parliamentary involvement possible, parliamentary control should be
carried out by delegations which are constituted by the
representatives of both the majority and the opposition.
5. “Parliamentary scrutiny” becomes
even more crucial at a time when most issues become global.
Globalisation increases the role and competence of international
organisations and policy-making tends to shift from national level to
international level. Parliamentary involvement should therefore be
considered more important at this juncture.
6. Clearly much improvement remains to
be made in the way in which the national parliaments address the
activities of various international institutions. While some national
parliaments hold annual debates on their activities, others never do
so. It is essential to improve this as the scrutiny must start at the
national level. By holding annual debates, the national parliaments
can give valuable recommendations to their governments on matters
related to the activities of specific institutions.
7. This report provides an analysis of existing parliamentary
control mechanisms in a selection of international political and
financial institutions. The report also suggests measures for
strengthening such control mechanisms and for enhancing the overall
operational transparency of international institutions.
2. Overview of Parliamentary Control in International Political Institutions
2.1. European Organisations: Different Levels of Parliamentary Control
2.1.1. Council of Europe
8. The Parliamentary Assembly of the
Council of Europe plays a determinative role, in particular in
accession and monitoring procedures. It is consulted on the
elaboration of legal instruments and elects the judges of the
European Court of Human Rights. At present, interaction by the
Committee of Ministers with the Parliamentary Assembly takes several
forms: the Statutory Report of the Committee of Ministers; its
requests for the Assembly’s opinion; the follow-up to
Recommendations of Assembly and replies to oral and written questions
submitted by Assembly members. The Joint Committee is the forum set
up to co-ordinate the activities of, and maintain good relations
between, the Committee of Ministers and the Assembly. It is composed
of a representative of each member Government and a corresponding
number of representatives of the Assembly (the members of the Bureau
and one representative of each parliamentary delegation of member
States not represented in the Bureau).
9. The Political Affairs Committee of
the Parliamentary Assembly started under its former Chair, Mr Terry
Davis, a new practice by which it holds an exchange of views with the
Minister for Foreign Affairs of the country that has just taken over
the Chair-in-office of the Committee of Ministers. Also the out-going
Chair-in-office and the next-to-come Chair participate in this
exchange of views. These meetings have proven very useful, not only
for the parliamentarians as they allow them to get their voices heard
as regards the priorities of the Chairs-in-office, but also for the
Chairs-in-office themselves as they get to reconsider what ought to
be continued as a priority from the previous Chair and what the
next-to-come Chair should prepare for. As from the second half of
2002 these exchanges of views will be organised by the Standing
Committee.
10. In conformity with the proposal made by the Committee of Wise
Persons (October 1998), the Secretary General should submit annually
to the Parliamentary Assembly and to the Committee of Ministers a
short report on the state of the Council of Europe including
proposals for developing the activities of the Organisation.2.1.2. European Union
11. The European Parliament is one of
the world’s most fully-fledged international parliamentary
assemblies and its legitimacy is underwritten by the election of its
members by direct universal suffrage every five years. Its status has
evolved by virtue of successive treaties from being a purely
consultative body to a veritable legislature. Plenary sessions of the
Parliament take place for one week per month and its deliberations
and decisions are of public character. The extensive use of all
eleven working languages of the Union (including simultaneous
translation of all parliamentary and committee debates) renders the
activities of the Parliament accessible to all parliamentarians and
also to ordinary citizens of member states.
12. Members of the Parliament
participate in standing committees which deal with thematic issues.
Joint parliamentary committees maintain relations with the
parliaments of States linked to the EU by association agreements.
Inter-parliamentary delegations perform a similar role with the
parliaments of many other countries and with international
organizations. As is the case with the Parliamentary Assembly of the
Council of Europe, a secretariat provides necessary back-up support
for parliamentary work. The Parliament shares powers of co-decision
with the Council of Ministers in most matters, but the power to adopt
the annual budget of the EU is vested in the Parliament alone. The
Parliament’s brief for the democratic supervision of other EU
institutions covers the European Commission, the Council of
Ministers, the European Council and the political co-operation bodies
which are accountable to Parliament. It is also empowered to
establish committees of inquiry into matters of concern.
13. Valuable ideas have been raised in
the Political Affairs Committee aiming at improvement of the
involvement of the national parliaments in the work of the EU.
Notwithstanding the foregoing, concern has been expressed over their
lack of involvement of decision-making of the European Union. It has
been argued that policies of European application should be
formulated with the full knowledge and approval of its constituent
peoples. This stance has prompted calls for debate on the
establishment of an upper chamber in the European Parliament
representing the national parliaments of the EU countries. However,
several parliaments of central Europe, who are candidates for EU
membership, are now beginning to increase their impact on EU related
issues. The work on the adaptation of national legislation to EU
standards must obviously go through national parliaments and members
of Parliament should be very well aware of EU policies.
14. It has also been proposed as alternative idea for debates that
an assembly of the European Union should be constituted, acting not
only as an upper chamber of the European Parliament, but also
maintaining dialogue with the European Council, the European
Commission and other institutions of the EU. This assembly could be
constituted of MPs appointed by their national parliaments. The
applicant countries for membership could enjoy a status of ‘special
guest’ or ‘observer’ with a right to speak but not to vote. It
would promote their readiness to act properly and accordingly when
their countries join the EU and it would increase the knowledge of
members of the European Parliament of the problems faced by the
applicant countries.2.1.3. Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe
15. The Parliamentary Assembly of the OSCE convenes annually and its sessions are ordinarily public. The Assembly provides a forum for debate on, and assessment of, OSCE activities. It is also the forum for putting questions to the Ministerial Council, which comprises Foreign Ministers of Participating States. A Final Declaration is adopted at the end of each Annual Session, as well as resolutions and recommendations, all of which are transmitted to the Ministerial Council, the Chairperson-in-Office and the national parliaments of Participating States. It is stated in the Rules of Procedure of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly that reports of Committees and decisions of the Assembly shall be transmitted to the Ministerial Council for their consideration, but no reciprocal consultative process would seem to exist. Reports of Committees and decisions of the Assembly are also forwarded to the national parliaments of Member States, but as the words “for their consideration” are omitted, it can be assumed that the purpose of such transmission is informative and not consultative.2.2. United Nations: The Need for a Parliamentary Dimension
16. In its Recommendation
1476 (2000), the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe
encourages the United Nations to start developing a parliamentary
dimension to its work, in close co-operation with the
Inter-Parliamentary Union. Such a development could address the need
to heighten awareness of the UN’s objectives and activities in
national parliaments; stimulate greater participation by
parliamentarians in the work of the UN and thereby facilitate
consultative, or at least communicative, interaction between the UN
and national bodies. The UN Secretary General, Mr Kofi Annan, has set
a course for significant structural reform of the UN and the
strengthening of its already existing parliamentary element could be
examined in this context, as well as the enhanced involvement of NGOs
from around the world in UN activities.
17. The Sub-Committee on the Relations
with Non-Member Countries has participated on two occasions in the
General Assembly debate on the co-operation between the United
Nations and the regional agencies (55th session in October 2000 and
56th session in December 2001). It is encouraging to note that during
the 56th debate, three national delegations (Germany, Sweden and the
United Kingdom) allowed a member of the Sub-Committee to address the
General Assembly on behalf of their national delegation. Members of
the Assembly must continue to pressure their governments to include
each year parliamentarians in the national delegations to the General
Assembly and to allow more parliamentarians to address the General
Assembly.
18. It is equally reassuring to note that during his address to
parliamentarians attending the 56th General Assembly, Secretary
General Kofi Annan said that “the parliamentary voice - voice
of the people – must be a component of the work of the United
Nations. Parliaments are places where much of a country’s important
business is carried out. [….] it is in parliament that the laws of
the land are made.” He furthermore added that today the role
of the parliaments is more pivotal than ever, especially in the
struggle against terrorism. He called on the parliamentarians for
assistance in implementing the Security Council Resolution
1373 (2001) on terrorism, as well the UN conventions and
protocols on international terrorism.
2.3. North Atlantic Treaty Organization
19. There is no explicit mention of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly (NATO-PA) in the NATO Treaty, yet a working relationship between NATO-PA and NATO proper has been developed since 1967. NATO-PA is an inter-parliamentary assembly and in recent times, its Standing Committee has tended to meet annually with both the Secretary General and the Permanent Representative to the North Atlantic Council at NATO headquarters. The purpose of such meetings is to exchange views on the state of the Alliance and the perspectives of legislators. Throughout the year, contacts are maintained between both bodies at various levels. As a rule, NATO-PA meets in public.2.4. The Inter-Parliamentary Union
20. The Inter-Parliamentary Union is
the world organization of parliaments of sovereign States. It is a
forum for global parliamentary dialogue and its work is geared
towards promoting peace and co-operation among peoples and towards
the anchoring of representative democracy. However, delegations are
appointed by different methods and the legitimacy and democratic
credentials of some of the parliaments represented do not always
correspond to best international standards. Through the contacts it
facilitates and the activities it coordinates, the IPU seeks to
stimulate and to direct action by parliaments and parliamentarians
throughout the world. Foremost amongst the IPU’s concerns are the
contribution made by national parliaments to processes of
international co-operation, the implementation of international
programmes and policies on a national level and the development of
parliamentary dimensions to multilateral institutions. Crucially, it
is the duty of each national group in the IPU to “submit the
resolutions of the Union to its respective Parliament, in the most
appropriate form; to communicate them to the Government; to stimulate
their implementation and to inform the Secretariat of the Union, as
often and fully as possible, particularly in its annual reports, as
to the steps taken and the results obtained.” (Art. 8, Statutes of
the IPU).
21. The Inter-Parliamentary Council is
the plenary decision-making body of the IPU. It establishes the
annual programme and budget of the Union and a number of committees
and working groups conduct their activities under its auspices. The
Secretary General is also accountable to the Council, at least
insofar as she/he is obliged to submit to each ordinary session a
written report on the state and work of the IPU. The Council also
exercises a very important control on the financial operations of the
IPU. The Union’s accounts, after having been examined by the
External Auditor, must be submitted each year by the Secretary
General to the two Auditors appointed by the Council from amongst its
members. When audited, the accounts must then be presented for
approval to the Council. All Council debates take place in public,
save when decided otherwise by a majority of votes cast. Provision is
made for attendance at Council debates - in an observatory capacity -
by representatives of international organizations.
22. The primary responsibility of the
Executive Committee is to oversee the administration of the IPU and
it is expected to advise the Council on issues within its sphere of
competence.
23. The Statutory IPU Conference is the
principal statutory body that expresses the views of the IPU on
political issues. It assembles parliamentarians twice a year for the
purpose of studying international problems and making recommendations
for action. In keeping with the policies of the IPU, the Statutory
Conference designates national groups as the bridging link between
its activities and national parliaments. One noteworthy feature of
voting procedures in the Conference is that provision is made for
authorizing delegates to briefly explain their vote after voting has
taken place, save in the cases of amendments and procedural motions.
The Conference reserves the right not to keep any records of meetings
which it holds in private.
24. It should be pointed out that the IPU organises valuable
annual meetings of members of parliaments included in the national
delegations to the UN General Assembly. The Sub-Committee on the
Relations with Non-Member Countries have participated in these
meetings on several occasions. Not only are these meetings
informative as UN high officials brief the participants on different
UN activities, but also as they allow those members of parliament
present at the General Assembly get to know one another and allow
them to co-ordinate their participation.
2.5. Other Regional organisations
2.5.1. Central European Initiative
25. The stated objectives of the Central European Initiative pivot on a collective determination to strengthen (i) co-operation between its member states in economic matters, and (ii) their participation in the relentless process of European integration. The elimination of existing and potential dividing lines in Europe is another central goal of the initiative. The Parliamentary Committee / Conference of the CEI is attended by delegations representing national parliaments. The mainstay of its policy-formulation and decision-making takes place at the annual meetings of Ministers of Foreign Affairs and meetings of Heads of Government. The failure of the CEI – to date – to attain an optimal level of visibility can be explained, at least in part, by financial and personnel constraints. These constraints inevitably hamper attempts to develop an effective outreach programme and extensive structures for liaising with the media, NGOs, representatives of the business community and other interested parties.2.5.2. Commonwealth of Independent States
26. The objectives of the Commonwealth
of Independent States (CIS) can be briefly summarized as being
promotional of political and economic co-operation between Adhering
States. The main organs of the CIS are its Council of Heads of State
and its Council of Heads of Government, which are assisted in their
activities by supporting structures, in particular the Executive
Committee. The Committee is responsible for the coordination of
interaction with Member States, statutory and sectoral organs of the
Commonwealth and also international organizations. The Committee
seeks to facilitate consultation and information-exchange. To this
end, it has developed a data-base of multilateral agreements between
CIS states and is increasingly tapping the informative potential of
internet resources. Different types of publications are issued by the
Committee and its outreach strategies include participation in
symposia and events organized in international fora.
27. In March 1992, the CIS set up the
Interparliamentary Assembly of Member Nations of Commonwealth of
Independent States (IPA). This body acts as an advisory body in
preparing draft legislative instruments of common interest,
harmonising national legislative efforts and according to its
Convention of 1997 it is an inter-state body and a key agency of the
CIS. At present, parliaments of the following states are members of
IPA: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrghyzstan,
Moldova, Russia, Takikistan, Ukraine and Uzbekistan. In June 1997,
the IPA Council and the Bureau of the Parliamentary Assembly signed
an Agreement of Co-operation. The IPA delegations attend regularly
the Assembly sessions.
28. The Standing Committee of the Parliamentary Assembly of the
Council of Europe will organise jointly with the CIS
Interparliamentary Assembly an International Forum on Combating
Terrorism in St. Petersbourg on 27-28 March 2002.
2.5.3. Black Sea Economic Co-operation
29. The Black Sea Economic Co-operation has identified economic co-operation and the encouragement of free enterprise as appropriate vectors for hastening economic, technological and social progress. It is also mindful of environmental concerns within its geographical parameters and of the guiding principles of the ongoing work of the OSCE. The organizational structure of the BSEC comprises intergovernmental, inter-parliamentary, inter-business and financial components. The dominant body in the intergovernmental component is the Meeting of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs (MMFA) of the Participating States. It is a decision-making body with responsibility for all matters pertaining to the functioning of the BSEC. The MMFA has established Working Groups and a Permanent International Secretariat to supplement its own work. The objective of Parliamentary Assembly of the BSEC is to strengthen pluralist democratic structures and political stability in the Black Sea area by providing a legal basis for the co-operative activities espoused by the BSEC. The inter-business component is known as the BSEC Council. The Chairpersonship of the Council rotates every six months and regular interaction between national business communities of Participating States is secured by this and other means. The Black Sea Trade and Development Bank is the BSEC mechanism entrusted with the formulation and implementation of the organization’s joint regional and other financing projects.2.5.4. Nordic Council
30. The Nordic Council provides a forum for co-operation between Nordic parliamentarians and between parliamentarians and governments in the Nordic region. The Nordic Council of Ministers, for its part, hosts meetings between Nordic Ministers and / or civil servants. Its areas of interest include education, youth affairs, economic issues, welfare and industry, resource-management, the environment and regional politics.2.6. Observations
31. The brief description (above) of the mechanisms for parliamentary control in a selection of international political institutions reveals a manifest lack of uniformity in the nature and indeed, in the varying efficiency of such mechanisms. Existing mechanisms in any given body are often indicative of its actual commitment to ideals of transparency and accountability. The European Parliament and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe are not without structural and operational imperfections, yet they nonetheless stand out from the majority of other similarly-conceived bodies by virtue of the relative sophistication of their consultative structures and practices. Consultation is the vitalizing link which binds together the decision-makers and the public from whom they derive their mandate. Checks and balances have always been at the very heart of all models of modern democracy, where the primacy of Montesquieu’s tripartite division of powers is assured.3. Overview of Control Mechanisms in International Financial Institutions
3.1. Functioning of Financial Institutions
3.1.1. World Bank
32. The mission of the World Bank is to
reduce poverty throughout the world by using its banking services
(especially loans, policy advice and technical assistance) in a way
that would favour the empowerment of local populations. The Bank
consists of five institutions, the purposes of which are clearly
delineated: the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development
(provides market-based loans and development assistance to help
middle-income countries and creditworthy poorer countries reduce
poverty); the International Development Assistance (to provide
interest-free loans, technical assistance and policy advice to the
poorest countries); the International Finance Corporation (promotes
growth in developing countries by financing private sector
investments, mobilizing capital and providing technical and advisory
assistance to governments and businesses); the Multilateral
Investment Guarantee Agency (encourages foreign investment by
providing guarantees to foreign investors by providing guarantees
against loss caused by non-commercial risks in developing countries)
and the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes
(provides facilities for the settlement by conciliation or
arbitration of investment disputes between foreign investors and
their host countries).
33. The World Bank works extensively
with government agencies, NGOs and the private sector. The world-wide
dimension to the Banks activities, plus its interplay with a huge
number of different actors, means that it is imperative that the Bank
furnish a maximum amount of information about its activities and
policies for public consumption. The Bank does, in fact, boast
wide-ranging provisions for information disclosure, many of which
impress by their elaborate character. One feature of the Bank’s
publicity strategy is its InfoShop which provides, on request,
Project Information Documents free of charge.
34. The Bank has made concrete efforts
to increase NGO involvement in its projects. It has also overseen a
conscious trend towards the increased delegation of project decisions
to Resident Missions in its Member States as part of an overall
commitment to consolidating existing Resident Missions and
establishing new ones.
35. As regards financial
accountability, statements of the Bank’s financial position are
published quarterly. Audited financial statements are published in
the Annual Report and unaudited statements are included in the
semi-annual update of the Bank’s Information Statement.
36. Any constraints on the disclosure of information have the
objective of preserving the integrity of the Bank’s deliberative
process and its relations with its member countries. There is the
further relevant consideration of confidentiality when information
submitted to the Bank is commercially sensitive.3.1.2. World Trade Organization
37. Since the Third Ministerial
Conference of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in Seattle in 1999,
issues of internal and external transparency have been understandably
high on the organization’s agenda. Consultations on how to improve
internal transparency have been initiated and, in tandem, an
investigation is being conducted by the Secretariat into practical
ways of improving existing means for the communication of information
to Members. These efforts have involved improving on-line data-bases
available to Members and pilot projects to use electronic means for
keeping delegations informed of WTO activities. A daily bulletin also
contains information on the previous day’s activities. Measures
have been taken to enhance the level and quality of participation in
WTO activities by Members who do not have permanent representatives
in Geneva (including the appointment of a liaison officer for such
Members). The objective of stimulating Members’ participation in
the work of the WTO also led to the establishment of 94 reference
centres in lesser-developed countries, thus rendering relevant
documentation more accessible to governments and other interested
parties in those countries.
38. The founding agreement of the WTO
provides for co-operation with NGOs, and subsequent guidelines have
fleshed out the substance and import of this provision. While not
directly involved in the WTO’s work, NGOs are increasingly present
at Ministerial Conferences and they continue to participate in
symposia organized by the WTO Secretariat. A complementary practice
which is also of importance to the organization’s outreach
activities, is that WTO staff participate in events organized by NGOs
and academic institutions. Regular briefings for NGOs on the work of
WTO committees and working groups are held under the auspices of the
WTO Secretariat. Furthermore, the Secretariat provides Member
Countries with a list of miscellaneous documents received from the
NGO community each month. This documentation is made available to
Members on request.
39. In his statement to the
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (23 January 2002),
Mr Moore, Director-General of the WTO, called on the
parliamentarians to be active at the national level in implementing
priorities set by the 4th WTO Ministerial Conference. He also said
that their work at the national level must be complemented at the
international level: “The trend of the globalisation of public
policy issues will continue and cannot be ignored. Public
apprehension needs to be calmed by elected officials and I believe
you have a critical role to play. Parliamentarians need to engage in
the critical issues and be perceived by the public to be doing so.”
40. The IPU organised a meeting of parliamentarians on the
occasion of the 4th WTO Ministerial Conference. Similar meetings,
organised either by the IPU or another organisation, should become a
custom.
3.1.3. European Investment Bank
41. As the financing institution of the
European Union, the European Investment Bank enjoys its own legal
personality and financial autonomy. The raison d’être of
the Bank is to finance capital projects which are consonant with the
objectives of the EU as part of a concerted drive towards the
integration, balanced development and economic and social cohesion of
EU Member States. Its remit extends beyond membership of the EU: it
also implements the financial components of agreements concluded
under European development aid and co-operation policies.
42. The policies of the EIB are informed by those of Member States
and of the EU Institutions, but the interests of the business and
banking sectors and other relevant international organizations are
not without influence either. It consists of Ministers designated by
each EU Member State, usually the Ministers for Finance. The
principal institutional partner of the EIB within the EU is the
European Commission, but it also keeps the other EU institutions –
and the general public - informed of its activities through its
contributions to the different Commission reports and publications on
attainment of Community objectives. The Bank has an independent
external audit structure.3.1.4. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
43. The aims of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development are set out in Article 1 of the OECD Convention. They include the achievement of the highest sustainable economic growth in member states; contribution to economic expansion in Member States as well as non-member states in the process of economic development and contribution to the expansion of world trade on the basis of multilateral and non-discriminatory relations. Article 3 attaches importance to consultative and informative measures for the realization of OECD’s objectives, by obligating Member States to: “(a) keep each other informed and furnish the Organisation with the information necessary for the accomplishment of its tasks; (b) consult together on a continuing basis, carry out studies and participate in agreed projects; and (c) co-operate closely and where appropriate take co-ordinated action.” Article 6.1 gives expression to the OECD’s concern for procedural transparency: “Unless the Organisation otherwise agrees unanimously for special cases, decisions shall be taken and recommendations shall be made by mutual agreement of all the Members.” In practice, publicity for the Organisation’s activities is ensured by the publication of books, a magazine and policy briefs, as well as multimedia products. Liaising with journalists and other international organisations is equally part and parcel of the OECD’s publicity strategies. As can be seen below (see paragraph 47), the OECD since its earliest days is equipped with a parliamentary monitoring body, namely the Enlarged Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.3.1.5. European Bank for Reconstruction and Development
44. The European Bank for
Reconstruction and Development was established in 1991 to foster the
transition towards open market-oriented economies and to promote
private and entrepreneurial initiative in the countries of Central
and Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)
committed to and applying the principles of multiparty democracy,
pluralism and market economics. The EBRD seeks to attain these
objectives through investments which strive to ensure the
implementation of structural and sectoral economic reforms and the
promotion of private enterprise.
45. A presumption of information disclosure in the interest of
public accountability is central to the philosophy of the EBRD. To
this end, the Bank has adopted an official Public Information Policy
(PIP) which prioritises, inter alia, operational
transparency and receptiveness to comment. The Bank’s commitment to
the PIP can be gauged by its decision to assign a liaison specialist
to communicate with NGOs and other stake-holders. This Policy
provides for a consultation process involving the posting of draft
sectoral policies on the Bank’s web-site in advance of their
finalization. The public is invited to submit any pertinent comments
it might have prior to the adoption of the sectoral policies, after
which time they will be duly presented as such, again on the
web-site. This consultation procedure does not, however, extend to
the Bank’s financial policies. Summary documents for private sector
projects are generally given similar advance publicity.3.1.6. International Monetary Fund
46. The International Monetary Fund is, in its own words, an international organization “established to promote international monetary co-operation, exchange stability, and orderly exchange arrangements; to foster economic growth and high levels of employment; and to provide temporary financial assistance to countries to help ease balance of payments adjustment.” Under the Articles of Agreement of the IMF, the organization is obliged to publish an annual report containing an audited statement of its accounts. It is also required to issue, at intervals of three months or less, a summary statement of, inter alia, its operations and transactions. The informal communication of views by the IMF to any Member on matters arising under the Agreement is provided for. Furthermore, the IMF may, with a 70% majority of the total voting power, decide to publish a report made to a Member State regarding its monetary or economic conditions and developments which directly tend to produce a serious disequilibrium in the international balance of payments of members.3.2. Control by External Parliamentary Institutions
47. The Committee on Economic Affairs
and Development of the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly
serves as a parliamentary forum by special agreement for annual or
otherwise recurring debates on the activities of a number of
international institutions, notable among them the Organization for
Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the European Bank
for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD).
48. The yearly debates on OECD
activities – on the theme “The OECD and the World Economy” -
are held by an Enlarged Assembly with the participation of the OECD
Secretary General. Here parliamentary delegations from all the
forty-four member states of the Council of Europe and the six
non-European member countries of the OECD (Australia, Canada, Mexico,
New Zealand, the Republic of Korea and the United States) enjoy equal
rights as regards voting, etc. The equally annual debates on EBRD
activities – entitled “The EBRD and Progress in Transition” -
include the participation of the President of the Bank.
49. Regular debates on the basis of
reports originating with the Committee on Economic Affairs and
Development are also held on the activities of the World Trade
Organisation (often centered on the effects of globalisation), the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (predominantly
focussed on North-South cooperation), the European Free Trade
Association (EFTA), the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe
(UN-ECE), the European Conference of Ministers of Transport (ECMT)
and the European Civil Aviation conference (ECAC). The Parliamentary
Assembly can in this way be said to exert a parliamentary insight
into, and influence over, the work of the above-mentioned
organisations on behalf of national parliaments and, through them, on
behalf of citizens and taxpayers.
50. Furthermore, the Parliamentary
Assembly is the venue for occasional debates on the activities of
organizations such as UNHCR, UNICEF, the International Labour
Organization (ILO), the International Committee of the Red Cross and
the International Organization for Migration.
51. I should point out here to the Inter-Parliamentary Forum of
the Americas (FIPA), which held its inaugural meeting in Ottawa
(Canada) in March 2001. This new Forum groups parliamentarians from
26 member countries of the Organization of American States. Its
purpose is to promote parliamentary participation in the
inter-American system and to contribute to inter-parliamentary
dialogue. It has three working groups dealing with strengthening of
democracy – good governance and corruption, creation of prosperity
(Free Trade Area of the Americas), and realizing human potential. The
FIPA will meet next in March in Mexico. The Parliamentary Assembly
should follow the work of the FIPA and benefit from the presence of
the Observer delegations from Canada and Mexico to keep it informed
of the latest developments.3.3. The Contribution of Parliamentary Control to the Democratic and Human Rights Dimension of the Objectives and Functioning of International Financial Institutions
52. Transparency and accountability are
the minimum structural requirements for ensuring public support for
the activities of the international organizations considered in this
report. Projects should, ideally, be explained to and discussed with
the public (or at the very least, representatives of the public) and
then agreed, not imposed. Such consultative procedures are the only
effective safeguard for democracy that is truly participatory.
Whereas accountability is often considered to be largely the preserve
of parliamentary control mechanisms, its sister-virtue of
transparency is of the utmost importance to the general public.
53. The accessibility of information is a vehicle for stimulating
debate, broadening knowledge and understanding, facilitating
coordination amongst involved or interested parties. It is also a
necessary prerequisite for securing public support for policies or
their implementation. However, the ability to access information does
not, of itself, fulfil the requirements of the democratic paradigm.
Effective provision for consultative processes is a further sine
qua non for creating or sustaining a healthy model of democracy.4. Suggestions for Promoting Transparency and Openness
54. This report has focused on established and emerging trends for the promotion of transparency in international parliamentary assemblies. It has also subjected the decision-making processes of international financial institutions to renewed scrutiny. It is clear that any useful suggestions for enhancing transparency and openness in the type of institutions considered, will necessarily be defined by an imaginative implementation of some form of eclecticism drawing on examples of best current practices. It is clear that no new structures should be set up to carry out the parliamentary scrutiny, several bodies already carry out this function in different ways. It is important that they co-ordinate in their function in order to improve their scrutiny in a more efficient manner. Given the dual nature of transparency, what is required is a recalibration of internal procedures and efforts to guarantee the external visibility of the activities of organizations:4.1. General Recommendations:
regular debates in national parliaments on the policies and activities of international institutions;
set up committees in national parliaments responsible for following the activities of different international institutions and making recommendations to their respective governments;
strengthening of other measures to ensure that the work of international institutions is kept high on the agenda of national parliaments;
include parliamentarians in the national delegations to various international institutions, notably to the United Nations General Assembly;
budgetary committees to closely monitor the financial operations of international institutions;
independent audits of the financial accounts of international institutions;
a presumption of disclosure to prevail within international institutions concerning all information on its policies and activities, with non-disclosure being strictly limited to instances where compelling competing interests are at stake;
distribution of all pertinent documentation to national representatives in advance of and following meetings of supranational parliamentary bodies;
internet sites and other means to facilitate communication with public;
development of structures to ensure greater openness and responsiveness to NGOs;
improvement of relationship with media, both structured interaction and ad hoc briefings;
create a parliamentary organ in international institutions which lack such a structural dimension;
strengthen political and budgetary control mechanisms within existing parliamentary organs;
input into debates on the formulation of objectives and programmes and into decisions on the use of resources, by representatives of the governments and / or parliaments of Member States, NGOs, other interested parties, and, to the greatest extent possible, the public in general ;
involvement of all parties concerned in decision-making by international institutions ;
exchanges of views between the executive and the parliamentary body of national and international institutions;
adequate means of sanctioning executive organs of international institutions.
4.2. Council of Europe: Specific Recommendations:
improvement of working relations between the Parliamentary Assembly and the Committee of Ministers;
improvement in the functioning of the parliamentary fora in which the functioning and future orientation of certain international institutions are debated;
new proposals emerging from the Summit of Heads of State and Government and the Report of the Wise Persons, as outlined in Opinion 208 (1999):
greater consultation with the Parliamentary Assembly before fixing the ceiling for the overall budget of the Council of Europe
greater autonomy for the PA in the management of its own budgetary and administrative matters
adoption of co-decision procedure for the adoption of any draft convention, agreement and protocol
provision for an address by the President of the PA to the Committee of Ministers at the beginning of each ministerial meeting
reinforcement of monitoring activities, with new sanctions and improved follow-up to Parliamentary Assembly Recommendations, introducing also comparative methods.
reappraisal and stream-lining of activities, structures and working methods
development of outreach projects, including medium- and long-term presence in certain Member States
further development of inter-institutional cooperation
adoption of policy of taking public political positions on current developments, notably through its Chairman
enhancement of Council of Europe’s field-presence
improvement of contacts with media, NGOs, trade unions, youth organisations and national authorities.
4.3. European Union: Specific Recommendations
promotion of strengthening of the involvement of EU national parliaments in the work of the European institutions
4.4. Other international institutions: Specific Recommendations
allowing involvement of parliamentarians in their activities
promotion better relations with the public, including NGOs and media
Reference to Committee: Doc. 8430, Reference 2473, 24.01.00 (modifying Reference 2467)
Draft Resolution, draft Recommendation and draft Order unanimously adopted by the Committee on 7 May 2002
Members of the Committee: Jakič (Chairman), Baumel (Vice-Chairman), Feric-Vać (Vice-Chairperson), Spindelegger (Vice-Chairman), Aliyev, Andican, Arzilli, Atkinson, Azzolini, Bakoyianni, Bársony, Behrendt, Berceanu, Bergqvist, Bianco, Björck, Blaauw, Blankenborg, Bühler, Cekuolis, Clerfayt, Daly, Diaz de Mera, Dreyfus-Schmidt (alternate: Lemoine), Durrieu, Frey, Glesener, Gligoroski, Gönül, Gross, Henry, Hornhues, Hovhannisyan, Hrebenciuc, Iwinski, Judd, Karpov, Kautto, Klich, Koçi, Lloyd, Loutfi, Margelov (alternate: Popov), Martinez-Casan, Medeiros Ferreira, Mignon (alternate: Goulet), Mota Amaral, Mutman, Naudi Mora, Neguta, Nemcova, Oliynyk, Paegle, Pangalos, Pourgourides, Prentice, Prisacaru, de Puig, Ragnarsdottir, Ranieri, Rogozin, Schloten, Severinsen, Stepová, Surjan, Timmermans, Toshev, Udovenko, Vakilov, Vella, Voog, Weiss (alternate: Svec), Wielowieyski, Wohlwend, Wurm, Yarygina, Zacchera (alternate: Malgieri), Ziuganov (alternate: Slutsky), Zhvania (NN………., Bosnie-Herzégovine (alternate: Tokic).
N.B. The names of the members who took part in the meeting are printed in italics
Secretaries of the Committee: Mr Perin, Mr Sich, Mr Chevtchenko, Mrs Entzminger
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Committee on Political Affairs and Democracy
Rapporteur : Mr Latchezar TOSHEV, Bulgaria,
Addendum to the report | Doc. 9484 Add. I | 25 June 2002
Parliamentary scrutiny of international institutions
Origin - This Addendum concerning the Assembly of WEU should be considered as an item of Part 2.1 of the explanatory memorandum (immediately after the section on the Council of Europe (2.1.1)). 2002 - Third part-session
Western European Union
The WEU Assembly is the parliamentary component of Western European Union, the only defence organisation at European level. It was created in 1954 by the modified Brussels Treaty, Article XI of which stipulates that the Council of Western European Union will make an annual report on its activities to an Assembly composed of representatives of the Brussels Treaty Powers to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.
In a desire to “promote the unity and to encourage the progressive integration of Europe” in keeping with the resolve expressed in the preamble to the treaty, the Assembly has always attached importance to submitting to the Council recommendations containing proposals for strengthening Europe’s identity in the field of security and defence.
The fact that delegations of 28 national parliaments participate in the Assembly’s work makes its activities all the more significant. It can therefore be said to be the precursor of European defence in the widest sense.
The vast majority of the Assembly’s ideas are now coming to fruition in the new arrangements for security and defence currently being implemented by the European Union via the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP).
Under the Maastricht Treaty, WEU as a whole (thus including its Assembly) became “an integral part of the development of the European Union” (Article I.4). This was confirmed by Article 17 of the Amsterdam Treaty. At the Nice Summit, however, it was decided to transfer WEU’s responsibilities for “Petersberg” missions to the EU. It was accordingly agreed that any reference to WEU should be deleted from the revised version of Article 17 with the exception of the clause stating that the provisions of that article were not to prevent the development of closer co-operation between member states in the framework of WEU.
Against the background of the institutional changes under way in Europe, the WEU Assembly remains the only European parliamentary assembly with a clear treaty-based mandate to monitor security and defence issues. Pending the decisions that are to be taken on the parliamentary dimension of the European Union’s ESDP, the Assembly is acting as the interim European Security and Defence Assembly.
Resolution 1289 (2002)
Parliamentary scrutiny of international institutions
Author(s): Parliamentary AssemblyOrigin - Assembly debate on 25 June 2002 (19th Sitting) (see Doc. 9484, report of the Political Affairs Committee, rapporteur: Mr Toshev; and Doc. 9485, opinion of the Committee on Economic Affairs and Development, rapporteur: Mrs Zapfl-Helbling). Text adopted by the Assembly on 25 June 2002 (19th Sitting).
1. The emergence of issues of
continental or global dimensions is increasingly challenging the
effectiveness and remit of national policies, and more than ever
requires greater international scrutiny and co-operation.
2. In response to this need, the
international community has established a great many global or
regional international institutions. Over recent years, their role in
the system of governance and their influence over national policies
have been constantly expanding.
3. Decisions taken in these
institutions increasingly influence the lives of millions of
citizens. Yet the latter are often poorly informed about the
activities of international institutions and are rarely enabled to
exercise influence on decisions affecting them. The imbalance between
the increasing power of international institutions and the absence of
democratic scrutiny of their activities constitutes a major challenge
for democracy.
4. The insufficient transparency of
their decision-making tools and the absence of machinery to monitor
international institutions prompt the general public to reject them
or even, in the case of certain minority groups, to react violently
against them. Civil society’s need to express itself on major
current issues that international institutions are supposed to
resolve finds expression in alternative fora. The potential for
protest can also be exploited by extremist political movements.
5. It is accordingly necessary to make
good the democratic deficit at present suffered by international
institutions, which seriously hampers their efficiency, and to make
them more accountable to society. The decision-making process needs
to be made more transparent, and the public, through its
democratically elected representatives, needs to be able to take part
in it effectively.
6. The Parliamentary Assembly believes
that parliamentarians, in both their national parliaments and
international parliamentary assemblies, must play a leading part in
this field.
7. It considers that parliamentary scrutiny of the work of
international institutions must begin at national level.
Consequently, it calls upon the national parliaments of Council of
Europe member states to exercise their powers to the full in this
sphere, and in particular:to hold regular debates on the activities of international institutions based on reports submitted by the government;
to make use for this purpose of budgetary procedures and other means at their disposal;
to propose to the governments that they include parliamentarians in national delegations participating in meetings of international institutions.8. The Assembly reaffirms its support for a parliamentary dimension of the United Nations, and believes that greater parliamentary involvement in the work of this worldwide international organisation would help enhance its authority and efficiency. It welcomes the fact that several national delegations to the United Nations General Assembly now include national parliamentarians and calls upon the governments of member states of the Council of Europe:
to make this practice more general by reserving seats for parliamentarians of both ruling and opposition parties in the delegations to the UN General Assembly;
to apply this practice to other conferences and meetings organised in the framework of the United Nations and its specialist agencies.
9. The Assembly stresses the importance
of the debates it organises on the work of several international
institutions, such as the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development (OECD), the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development (EBRD), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World
Trade Organisation (WTO), etc. For international financial bodies,
transparency and accountability are necessary requirements if they
are to command public support. It believes in this context that the
proposal made by the Inter-Parliamentary Union to establish a
parliamentary assembly of the WTO deserves careful consideration.
Similarly, while underlining the already existing role of the
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council Europe in the accountability of
OECD and EBRD, it believes that parliamentary accountability of the
IMF, the World Bank and other global organisations deserve equally
careful consideration.
10. Regarding the European Union, the
Assembly considers that a role for national parliaments should be
introduced to bring the European Union closer to the people. This
could be done by introducing an inter-parliamentary chamber in the
European Parliament as a body of representatives of national
parliaments which would form, in due course, a second chamber.
11. This inter-parliamentary chamber
could have responsibility for scrutinising policies that continue to
be intergovernmental and areas in which competence is complementary
or shared, such as foreign affairs and matters concerning the entire
continent.
Recommendation 1567 (2002)
Origin - Assembly debate on 25 June 2002 (19th Sitting) (see Doc. 9484, report of the Political Affairs Committee, rapporteur: Mr Toshev; and Doc. 9485, opinion of the Committee on Economic Affairs and Development, rapporteur: Mrs Zapfl-Helbling). Text adopted by the Assembly on 25 June 2002 (19th Sitting).
1. The Assembly refers to its Resolution 1289 (2002) on parliamentary scrutiny of international institutions and, as regards the Council of Europe, it contends that the effectiveness of its work depends to a great extent on effective co-operation between its two statutory bodies, the Parliamentary Assembly and the Committee of Ministers.
2. In order to improve this co-operation, the Assembly recommends that the Committee of Ministers:
Parliamentary scrutiny of international institutions
Author(s): Parliamentary AssemblyOrigin - Assembly debate on 25 June 2002 (19th Sitting) (see Doc. 9484, report of the Political Affairs Committee, rapporteur: Mr Toshev; and Doc. 9485, opinion of the Committee on Economic Affairs and Development, rapporteur: Mrs Zapfl-Helbling). Text adopted by the Assembly on 25 June 2002 (19th Sitting).
1. The Assembly refers to its Resolution 1289 (2002) on parliamentary scrutiny of international institutions and, as regards the Council of Europe, it contends that the effectiveness of its work depends to a great extent on effective co-operation between its two statutory bodies, the Parliamentary Assembly and the Committee of Ministers.
2. In order to improve this co-operation, the Assembly recommends that the Committee of Ministers:
allow for greater involvement of the Parliamentary Assembly in the budgetary process, especially as regards determining the ceiling of the Council of Europe’s overall budget;
establish a co-decision-making process for the adoption of draft treaties;
introduce the practice of the official participation of the President of the Assembly in meetings of the Committee of Ministers;
reinforce monitoring procedures, including by the use of comparative methods;
improve the transparency of the implementation of Assembly recommendations.
Parliamentary scrutiny of international institutions
Author(s): Parliamentary AssemblyOrigin - Assembly debate on 25 June 2002 (19th Sitting) (see Doc. 9484, report of the Political Affairs Committee, rapporteur: Mr Toshev; and Doc. 9485, opinion of the Committee on Economic Affairs and Development, rapporteur: Mrs Zapfl-Helbling). Text adopted by the Assembly on 25 June 2002 (19th Sitting).
The Assembly refers to its Resolution 1289 (2002) on parliamentary scrutiny of international institutions, and instructs its Political Affairs Committee:
a. to give detailed consideration as to how a parliamentary dimension can be introduced into the work of the United Nations;
b. to come forward with a report and recommendations
Reply | Doc. 9673 | 25 January 2003
Parliamentary scrutiny of international institutions
Author(s): Committee of MinistersOrigin - Adopted at the 825th meeting of the Ministers’ Deputies (22 January 2003). 2003 - First part-session
Reply to REC 1567 (2002)
1. The Committee of Ministers took
note with interest of Recommendation
1567 on parliamentary scrutiny of international institutions,
which the Parliamentary Assembly adopted on 25 June 2002, and of
Resolution
1289 on the same subject, adopted on the same day.
2. Like the Parliamentary Assembly,
the Committee of Ministers is convinced that the effectiveness of
the Council of Europe’s action depends largely on efficient
co-operation between its two statutory organs, through which the
governments and parliaments of member states are bringing their
contribution to the building of a greater Europe without dividing
lines.
3. In response to the specific proposals put forward by the
Parliamentary Assembly in paragraph 2 of Recommendation
1567, the Committee of Ministers agreed as follows:i. With regard to greater involvement of the Parliamentary Assembly in the budgetary process, especially the determination of the ceiling of the Council of Europe’s overall budget, the Committee of Ministers recalls that a procedure for consulting the Parliamentary Assembly has already been established, in accordance with the recommendations of the Committee of Wise Persons.
The draft budgetary calendar is set so as to enable the Assembly’s opinion to be taken fully into account.
An exchange of views based on the Secretary General’s proposals for priorities for the following year and their budgetary implications takes place with the Assembly before a decision is taken by the Deputies on the priorities and the level of member states’ contributions.
The Assembly enjoys considerable budgetary freedom within its own financial package.
The Committee of Ministers believes that legitimate concerns of the Assembly in this area are thereby met.
ii. With regard to the establishment of a co-decision-making process for the adoption of draft treaties, the Committee of Ministers draws attention to the stand it took in connection with follow-up to the final report of the Committee of Wise Persons, which is to consult the Assembly on all draft treaties, save in exceptional cases where, for purely technical reasons, such consultation is not necessary. It observes that this principle has been strictly observed for over three years, and that in practice the Ministers' Deputies made an effort to take account of the positions adopted by the Assembly during the consultation process, before finally adopting conventions. In view of its positive assessment of this practice, which has been applied since May 1999, the Committee of Ministers intends to continue with it, without going so far as introducing a formal co-decision-making process as envisaged by the Assembly.
iii. With regard to the proposal that the President of the Assembly should officially participate in Committee of Ministers meetings, the Committee of Ministers is pleased to inform the Assembly that, further to the invitations to President Schieder to attend the 110th (Vilnius, 3 May 2002) and 111th (Strasbourg, 7 November 2002) sessions, it has been agreed that the President of the Parliamentary Assembly will in future be systematically invited to attend formal Committee of Ministers sessions. This will supplement and reinforce the Assembly President’s participation in informal ministerial meetings held the day before sessions at the Secretary General’s invitation, to which Presidents Russell-Johnston and Schieder have been regularly invited since November 1999.
iv. With regard to the idea of reinforcing the monitoring procedures, in particular by using comparative methods, the Committee of Ministers would point out that monitoring of the honouring of commitments entered into by member states remains an essential activity that must be properly implemented, as Ms Lydie Polfer, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg and then Chair of the Committee of Ministers, recalled in Vilnius on 3 May 2002. The Committee of Ministers is still convinced that the monitoring procedures used by the Committee of Ministers and the Parliamentary Assembly, although they are different in nature, are complementary and reinforce each other, and it is willing to pursue recent efforts to exchange information and engage in dialogue in this respect. It will be remembered, in this connection, that the Committee of Ministers adopted, in October 2002, two new themes for the procedure for monitoring the honouring of undertakings, one concerning freedom of conscience and religion and the other equal rights for women and men in member states. These themes will be discussed by the Ministers' Deputies in July and October 2003 respectively. Moreover, a comparative study of freedom of expression and information in the 44 member states is being prepared and should be discussed by the Ministers' Deputies in April 2003.
v. With regard to improving transparency in the implementation of Assembly recommendations, the Committee of Ministers would draw attention to the substantial efforts made in this area since 1998, particularly with the introduction of a nine-month deadline to be observed, as far as possible, for replying to Assembly recommendations. The Committee of Ministers is aware that this target has not always been attained, but would also like to draw the Assembly’s attention to the many cases in which high priority has been given to the adoption of a reply well within the nine-month time limit, particularly in connection with the current political issues that are most important to the Council of Europe, in connection with which the Committee of Ministers usually communicates its views to the Parliamentary Assembly in time for the next part-session. In addition, information on the action the Committee of Ministers has taken on Parliamentary Assembly recommendations is regularly included in the written reports prepared by the chairmanship at each session, and a comprehensive report on this action is forwarded to the Assembly every year.
Against this background, the Committee
of Ministers is ready to commit itself to making an additional
effort so that replies can be adopted to Parliamentary Assembly
recommendations in principal in time for the second part-session
following that at which they were adopted, that is to say within a
time-limit of less than six months (the nine-month time limit
becoming a maximum for exceptional cases). It further considers that
priority should go to giving more impetus to the already made
efforts described above so that they can have their full impact in
strengthening dialogue and communication between the Committee of
Ministers and the Parliamentary Assembly, while being open to
additional specific proposals for improvements.
Doc. 9485
11 June 2002
Parliamentary scrutiny of international institutions
Opinion1
Committee on Economic Affairs and Development
Rapporteur: Mrs Rosmarie Zapfl-Helbling,
Switzerland, Group of the European People’s Party
I.
Conclusions of the committee
1. There are at
least two ways in which the role of parliaments in developing public
policy can be strengthened in our present era of globalisation,
multilateral institutions and international agreements. The first
consists in encouraging national parliaments closely to follow the
work of the international organisations concerned, commenting on
their work and inciting their own governments to pursue certain lines
of action. National governments should also be encouraged to submit
early drafts of forthcoming agreements to parliament for comment.
2. Secondly,
greater use must be made of international parliamentary bodies –
whether at world or at world-regional level – in overseeing the
work of the international organisations concerned. The Parliamentary
Assembly of the Council of Europe has been steadfastly pursuing this
policy for the benefit of the parliaments and citizens of its member
states.
3. At a time of
considerable public apprehension over the direction and content of
globalisation, a parliamentary role is essential. Greater
parliamentary influence throughout any given inter-governmental
negotiation process can help to shape the final outcome in ways that
are more in line with the sentiments of the citizenry. Finally, a
greater parliamentary say will also bring home the point that – in
an era when countries are increasingly forced to find joint solutions
to joint problems – it is not only governments that need to be
involved, but also, and especially, the institutions that give
governments their mandate and derive their authority directly from
the people, namely parliaments.
II.
Explanatory memorandum by the rapporteur
1. It is a
hallmark of parliamentary democracy that a country’s parliament
should shape national policies through the legislation it enacts, and
that it should influence national political life through its debates
and through the public discourse of its members. National governments
in democratic countries indeed emanate from majorities in parliament,
with the latter constituting the ultimate political authority.
2. However, when
countries come together to find solutions to problems of common
concern, the link between decision-making power and parliament
becomes much less direct. Whether we are talking about international
organisations, or about conferences convened for a specific purpose,
government representatives reach agreement and then return home and
announce to their parliament and the general public what they have
achieved. The national parliament is often placed before a fait
accompli, since any attempt to modify an agreement negotiated by
the government is likely to necessitate a new conference.
International agreements reached by governments without any
parliamentary input therefore often signify a retreat from
parliamentary democracy.
3. That is why
the draft report presented by Mr Toshev on behalf of the Political
Affairs Committee of our Assembly is so important. The Committee on
Economic Affairs and Development supports the general thrust of the
report and accompanying draft Resolution, which it considers an
constructive first contribution to a public debate in the years to
come on how the ‘democratic deficit’ of international
institutions may be overcome or at least considerably reduced. What
follows in the present Opinion on Mr Toshev’s report are therefore
general observations meant to carry the debate further.
4. In our
present era of accelerating globalisation, the need to reach
international agreement on a growing number of subjects accentuates
the problem. International organisations and treaty-making
conferences were always in response to the requirements of
internationalisation. Today they increasingly try to deal with issues
caused by globalisation. Only rarely, however, do such institutions
possess a parliamentary body.
5. The above
also applies, for example, to the international organisation
responsible for managing trade globalisation, namely the World Trade
Organisation. Here, intergovernmental summits are convened and
agreements hammered out – after years of pre-summit talks – in
the course of a few final days and nights of breakneck negotiations.
National parliaments are subsequently asked to ratify these
agreements ex post facto. Only rarely do parliaments venture
to balk – such as when, say, the US Congress refuses to ratify an
agreement negotiated by the Administration.
6. It was in
order to, at least partly, overcome this ‘parliamentary deficit’,
that the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe early on
decided actively to start overseeing the work of international
organisations. Thus, already in 1960, it assumed the role of serving
as the parliamentary forum of the Organisation for Economic
Cooperation and Development - the OECD. It started to hold annual
debates on “The OECD and the World Economy”, with the
participation of the OECD’s Secretary General. The debates are
based on extensive preparatory meetings between the Assembly’s
Committee on Economic Affairs and Development and the OECD, with
other Committees concerned by one or the other aspect of the OECD’s
work also being represented. The ‘OECD debates’ are held within
the procedural framework of the so-called ‘Enlarged Parliamentary
Assembly’, which ensures equal rights between the parliamentary
delegations of the 44 Members States of the Council of Europe on the
one hand, and non-European countries belonging to the OECD on the
other. (These are Australia, Canada, Mexico, New Zealand, the
Republic of Korea and the United States).
7. Similarly,
since 1992 the Parliamentary Assembly – again with the Committee on
Economic Affairs and Development as the intermediary – serves as
the parliamentary forum of the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development, the EBRD. Here, too, annual debates are held on the
general theme of “The Contribution of the EBRD to Economic
Development in Central and Eastern Europe”, with the participation
of the EBRD President.
8. The
Parliamentary Assembly – first through its Committee on Economic
Affairs and Development and then in plenary session – ensures
parliamentary accompaniment to the work of several other
international organisations that lack a parliamentary dimension,
again with the personal participation of their respective heads. They
include the World Trade Organisation (often centred on the effects of
globalisation), the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank
(often on ‘North-South cooperation), the United Nations Economic
Commission for Europe (UN-ECE), the European Free Trade Association
(EFTA), the Council of Europe Development Bank, the European
Conference of Ministers of Transport (ECMT) and the European Civil
Aviation conference (ECAC). (Thus, for example, Mr Mike Moore,
Director General of the WTO, came to the Parliamentary Assembly in
January 2002 to address it within an Assembly debate on
“Managing Globalisation: The Role of the WTO in the World
Economy”.) The Parliamentary Assembly can in this way be said to
exert a parliamentary insight into, and influence over, the work of
the above-mentioned organisations, on behalf of national parliaments
and, through them, on behalf of citizens and taxpayers.
9. The above
practice of our Parliamentary Assembly system of course does not
cover all the international institutions in need of parliamentary
oversight, nor is it perfect. It cannot eliminate, only reduce, the
above-mentioned ‘parliamentary deficit’ when it comes to the
supervision of international institutions. Ideally, each such
organisation should have an in-built parliamentary instance, whether
with a decision-making or merely consultative power, even though such
an arrangement is rendered difficult both on cost grounds and due to
the absence of clearly defined political groupings, let alone
parties, at world level.
10. This
notwithstanding, the system developed by the Council of Europe’s
Parliamentary Assembly saves times and money both for national
parliaments, which can in this way take stock of and influence the
work of the institutions concerned, and for international
organisations, which do not have to receive parliamentary delegations
from each of their member states individually, but can inform
national parliaments via the Parliamentary Assembly.
11. Sometimes
the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe also contributes
to the efforts at greater parliamentary influence together with
others. Thus, it participated in a major IPU – European Parliament
conference held in Geneva in June 2001 on the role of parliaments in
shaping the world trade agenda. It looks forward to making further
contributions to this important mission of the IPU and the EP.
12. In
conclusion, there are at least two ways in which the role of
parliaments in developing public policy can be strengthened in our
present era of globalisation, multilateral institutions and
international agreements. The first consists in encouraging national
parliaments closely to follow the work of the international
organisations concerned, commenting on their work and inciting their
own governments to pursue certain lines of action. National
governments should also be encouraged to submit early drafts of
forthcoming agreements to parliament for comment.
13. Secondly,
greater use must be made of international parliamentary bodies,
whether at world or at world-regional level, in overseeing the work
of the international organisations concerned. The Parliamentary
Assembly of the Council of Europe is steadfastly pursuing this
policy, for the benefit of the parliaments of its 44 Member States,
its Special Guest delegation from Serbia and Montenegro (formerly the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) and its Observer delegations (Canada,
Israel and Mexico).
14. At a time of
considerable public apprehension over the direction and content of
globalisation, a parliamentary role of the kind outlined above is
essential. Greater parliamentary influence throughout any given
inter-governmental negotiation process can help to shape the final
outcome in ways that are more in line with the sentiments of the
citizenry. Finally, a greater parliamentary say will also bring home
the point that – in an era when countries are increasingly forced
to find joint solutions to joint problems – it is not only
governments that need to be involved, but also, and especially, the
institutions that give governments their mandate and derive their
authority directly from the people, namely parliaments.
*
* *
Reporting committee: Political Affairs Committee.
Committee for opinion: Committee on Economic Affairs
and Development.
Reference to committee: Doc.
8430 and Reference No. 2473 of 24 January 2000.
This opinion was approved by the committee on 30 May
2002.
Head of secretariat: Mr Torbiörn.
Secretaries to the committee: Mr Bertozzi, Ms
Ramanauskaite, Mrs Kopaçi-Di Michele.
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